10 Things You Can Do to Improve Our Country
Democracy isn't just about rights — we also have obligations to each other
With America’s 250th anniversary approaching, this is a moment to reflect not just on what the country owes to all of us, but what we owe to each other. Richard Haass, former president of the Council on Foreign Relations, has spent his career at the intersection of policy and democracy, and has seen firsthand how embracing our obligations as citizens — to be engaged, to be civil, to compromise — can lead us to a better, more effective politics. I’m excited to share this piece from Richard, which offers us all some concrete advice about how we can take action to move our country out of this divisive moment, and toward a future that works for the common good. Check it out.
— Sharon
Rights are central to the American experience. Demands for collective rights, including the famous call for no taxation without representation, fueled the push for independence and self-government. Soon after, the adoption of the Bill of Rights — the first ten amendments to the Constitution — helped secure that document’s ratification.
Subsequent American history can, in no small part, be viewed as a process of expanding rights as well as access to them. Making the union “more perfect” has meant ending slavery, granting full legal protections and the vote to people of color and women, and expanding rights to cover, among other things, sexual orientation.
This process is not yet complete. There is still a gap to be closed between principle and practice. Opportunity is not yet equal. We have made significant strides, but what Abraham Lincoln referred to at Gettysburg as the “unfinished work” of America remains unfinished.
But even if this were not the case, even if this country’s work were somehow completed and all Americans enjoyed full access to rights, the future of American democracy would not be assured.
For one thing, rights inevitably come into conflict. A woman’s right to choose versus the rights of the unborn. The rights of states versus those of the federal government versus those of individuals. The right of free speech versus the right not to be defamed. Or the right to bear arms, not to wear a mask, and refuse vaccination versus the right of the public to be and feel safe.
There must be a way of sorting through such competing claims. As we are reminded every day, respect for rights does not necessarily translate into a functional government that is willing and able to address the domestic and international challenges facing the country.
What is often missing from the mix are obligations: obligations of one citizen to another, obligations of all citizens to their government and country. More specifically, a commitment to staying open to compromise, remaining civil, and rejecting violence can be prerequisites to bridging inevitable differences over rights and policies meant to protect and promote them.
Just to be clear, obligations are actions citizens should take but cannot be compelled to take. They are moral, social, and political rather than legal.
I have identified ten obligations that are central to the functioning of American democracy. Indeed, these obligations are so essential that we are unlikely to mark another two hundred and fifty years of this democratic experiment unless they are recognized and incorporated into our lives.
Be informed. The most basic obligation is for citizens to be informed so they can wisely discharge their most basic responsibility as citizens, namely to vote. Being informed is also the best way to hold accountable those who exercise political authority in a representative democracy such as this one. One of the ironies of this time is that it has never been easier to access information — but it has also never been easier to access misinformation. Teaching people how to navigate the Internet and distinguish facts from opinions — call it information literacy — ought to be a component of civics education. And everyone ought to be encouraged to read at least one quality newspaper that covers both domestic and international developments and separates news coverage from editorials.
Get involved. The involvement of citizens in this or any democracy does not end at the ballot box. There are unlimited options for protecting and improving this democracy, from helping people register to vote and working at voting stations to serving on local school boards and protesting unjust or unwise policies. Democracy is not a spectator sport.
Learn to compromise. Citizens and those who represent them must be open to compromise. All-or-nothing politics is likely to result in nothing being accomplished. And compromise that brings together rival groups is more likely to endure because more will have a stake in what has been agreed upon. The Constitution itself only came about through multiple compromises, as was the case with legislation advancing civil rights, Social Security, and Medicare.
Be civil. We all need to remain civil. Civility makes agreement possible even where there are differences — and preserves the possibility of working together constructively on other issues down the road even if we cannot find common ground on the matter at hand. Abusive language, ad hominem attacks, shouting — these and similar behaviors rarely win people over. Yes, civility is close to good manners and politeness, but it is also smart politics: even when civility doesn’t win over political opponents, it can win over observers unsure of where they stand.
Be non-violent. There can be no justification for violence in the pursuit of political goals. It is not just that violence undermines the appeal of one’s cause. It is that violence and democracy cannot coexist. There is no right to be violent. There will be times when citizens are confronted with violence by the state. It may be tempting to respond in kind, but like most temptations it should be resisted. Responsive violence by citizens all but ensures the merits of the issue at hand will be overwhelmed by the dynamics of escalation. It also gives the state room to argue that restoring order must take priority over any other consideration.
Respect norms. Norms — the unwritten traditions, rules, customs, conventions, codes of conduct, and practices — should be valued. We should respect them even if we don’t have to. Norms provide a necessary supplement to laws, and make it possible for a political system to succeed despite inevitable differences. The most basic norm in a democracy is to accept election outcomes and embrace the peaceful transfer of power. One can also think of norms that preclude those with access to inside information from trading on it for personal financial gain. Ideally, such norms would be voluntarily observed, but as we know, that is not always the case. The remedy is for voters to reward those who honor important norms and oppose those political figures who do not.
Promote the common good. We all benefit from promoting the common good. It is often the right thing to do, but it can also be an act of self-interest. Like it or not, our welfare is unavoidably linked to the welfare of others, to what Martin Luther King Jr. described as being “tied in a single garment of destiny.” Admittedly, there is no universally accepted standard of what constitutes the common good. That is something for politics to sort out. But in modern society, every person’s quality of life — from physical safety to prosperity — is directly affected by the condition and behavior of others. Moral concerns aside, we have a self-interest in making sure opportunity exists for our fellow citizens and that a floor of basic services is provided to and for all.
Honor government service. Americans should respect rather than disparage government service. We want the best and brightest to serve because government affects our lives in countless ways, for better and for worse. Why not make it for the better, and help government attract and retain talent? This could involve everything from financial rewards, mid-career training opportunities, and legal protections to extending signs of respect.
Support civics education. Everyone should support the teaching of civics. We cannot assume that people will come of age understanding why democracy is better than the alternatives, or knowing what a democracy owes its citizens and what it requires of them. We should teach an understanding of democracy and citizenship in our schools and colleges, and should not allow any young person to graduate without a grounding in civics any more than we would let them graduate without the ability to read or write or do basic math.
Put country first. Last but not least, it is essential that every American put country first, before party or person. John F. Kennedy, in Profiles in Courage, told the stories of senators who did the right thing at significant personal cost. More recently we saw Liz Cheney stand up for the rule of law even though it led to her losing her seat in Congress. Many others have spoken truth to power even though it meant losing their jobs. This last obligation can in many ways be understood as the sum total of all the others. We know it when we see it — and ought to reward those in politics who practice it and penalize those who do not.
All of which brings us to the 250th anniversary of this great experiment we call America. The Founders of our democracy had a good deal to say about rights and little to say about obligations. But that may have been because rights were often ignored at the time of this country’s birth and obligations could be assumed given the collective struggle for rights.
This is no longer the case. Yes, this is a time of celebration, but it should also be one of rededication, to embrace our obligations along with our calls for rights. Democracy is too valuable and fragile to be taken for granted. To be sure, it is demanding of its citizens. The good news is that it rewards them if they preserve and protect it.
Richard Haass is the author of The Bill of Obligations: The Ten Habits of Good Citizens (Penguin, 2023) as well as the weekly Substack newsletter, Home & Away. He is also president emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations after having served as CFR’s president for twenty years.
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